Stuck in the middle
Living on NATO's Eastern Frontier
by Niels van Steijn and Gareth Axenderrie
An Estonian fisherman casts his line into The River Narva opposite the Russian fortress of Ivangorod.
NARVA, Estonia, 19 May. “There is no problem here”, says Alexander Karavaev as he sunbathes on the banks of the border River Narva. Any suggestion that there is a tension involved with living on the border between NATO and Russia is met with a mixture of laughter and perplexity. This sentiment isn’t shared across NATO’s corridors of power however. The military alliance is increasing its presence here and it perceives Russia as a major threat. But what do those living their daily lives in its shadow feel?
As the state of the art Swiss-manufactured electric train arrives in Estonia’s third largest city of Narva, you really get a feel that the beautiful capital of Tallinn is world’s away. An old railway station, resembling a construction site more than a transport hub, provides a cold welcome upon arrival in this Sovietesque city. It’s the end of the line here if you don’t possess a Russian passport or visa. While Tallinn warmly greets millions of visitors a year with its cobbled streets and gothic architecture, this sleepy city of no more than 60,000 inhabitants is characterized by its post-WWII Soviet architecture. Block after block of grey houses and Russian street signs line the walk toward the city centre; Europe couldn’t feel further away. The river, that shares a name with the city, is the only physical obstacle that separates NATO and Russia here. On both sides of the river there are imposing castles used in the past. On the Estonian side of the river children are playing in the water while the town hosts a regatta under the flag of the European Union. There are even children dressed in military uniforms, firing mock rifles at a target. Across the water, the fortress of Ivangorod imposes itself, masking the poor Russian oblast that sits behind it. On both banks of the river, fisherman cast their rods. They are fishing the same fish and speaking the same language, except half live in Estonia, the European Union and NATO, the other half do not.
The world’s eyes on Narva.
Narva has attracted the attention of the world’s media since Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. As the West struggled to come to terms with this 21st century conquest, journalists and commentators dug-out maps and prodded at Estonia, asking whether this was next on Vladimir Putin’s list. Four years later, amidst the highest tensions between NATO and Russia since the end of the Cold War, the Foreign Ministers of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have met with US National Security Adviser John Bolton and asked for reinforcement of NATO’s multinational battalions based in the region. NATO’s intentions on the Nordic-Baltic region. NATO’s EFP in the Baltic region is a deployment of multinational combat-ready forces, designed to enhance Euro-Atlantic security by reassuring fellow NATO member states and deterring potential adversaries. The British and Danish troops currently stationed at the Tapa Army Base, less than 300 kilometres from the Russian city of Saint Petersburg, have recently returned from a two-week military exercise alongside the Estonian Defence Forces. The UK Army describes its presence here on its website as playing “a leading role in NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence (EFP)”. A divide between the corridors of power and those living in Russia’s shadow. Not everybody here is as enthusiastic about NATO’s presence as the region’s politicians however. Sergei Samsonov studies at Narva College, part of the University of Tartu. Speaking at a plush new cafe at his university. He started his Youth Work Diploma after finishing eleven months military service with Estonia’s military police. Having served with personnel from other countries under the flag of NATO, Samsonov is unreserved in his criticism of their presence in the country. “They’re just lazy millionaires. There is no need for them to increase their numbers here.” Samsonov also serves in the Estonian Defence League, a reserve force of 25,000 paramilitary volunteers. He believes that Estonians are capable of protecting themselves. “We (Estonian Defence Forces) have our own strengths. If Russia attacked, we would be ready. We are very efficient at fighting in the swamps and forests here.” “Russia has a military plan to invade The Baltic states”. Eoin McNamara, a researcher in security studies and transatlantic relations at Tartu University disagrees that NATO’s presence is unwarranted and a provocation to neighbouring Russia. “Make no mistake, Russia has a military plan to invade the Baltic states. That’s not to say that an invasion is imminent, but it would be illogical for them not to.” “The presence of military personnel from multiple NATO member states acts as a tripwire. The US troops have been withdrawn, but the presence of British and Danish troops means any attack would be an attack not just against Estonia but NATO as a whole.” A different perspective in Russia However Jermey Morris, Associate professor and researcher of Russian studies at the School of Culture and Society at Aarhus University in Denmark, believes that NATO's presence in the Baltics could be perceived by some as a provocation. "It is understandable that Russia is very unhappy about having NATO troops – including Danish and British highly capable combat ready naval, artillery and aircraft - right in its militarised backyard of the Baltic," says Morris. It's an escalation in tensions that Morris thinks will have a last impact, with the chance of further friction as a result. "One can foresee that relations will be very negative for the foreseeable future on both sides. The most dangerous aspect of this is that Russian aircraft turn off their transponders when flying over the Baltic which could result in an accident and further escalation of tensions."
A generational divide living in harmony.
Serafima Kolodkina and Anna Markova work together at the city’s Tourist Information Centre, just one hundred meters from the border crossing. “We don’t notice that we are living on this border day to day. I’m Russian but I feel Estonian,” says Serafima, a ballet-dancer who has Russian citizenship but is applying to change it to Estonian. Anna, her colleague, disagrees however. “I am Russian, but I have Estonian citizenship. I was born in the Soviet Union. I remember how hard it was to ask Russians to adopt a new nationality.” Both agree that their different perspectives are shaped by the fact that they were born either side of the collapse of the Soviet Union and Estonia’s restored independence in 1991. A generational divide exists here, between those who remember only looking east, and those who have only ever wanted to look west. Yet, despite this divide, there is no animosity. No appetite for a Narva within Russia. Back in the cafe again Sergei Samsonov describes the differences between Narva and Ivangorod - the Russian town across the river as “heaven and hell”. “If people in Narva made the same decision to join Russia as those in Crimea did, I would leave as soon as possible.” You get a feel throughout the city that, despite the close cultural and linguistic links with Russia, this sentiment is shared through the majority of the city’s 60,000 population. Estonia has made unprecedented progress since independence in 1991 and its integration into the EU since 2004. As well as restoration of the city’s castle, transport provision is also excellent even by Western European standards. From July 1st, free public transport will be rolled out across the country for Estonian citizens, expanding upon an initiative in Tallinn that has been held up as a world leader. Furthermore, the country has one of the highest internet penetration rates in the world. When looking across the banks of the river to one of Russia’s poorest oblasts, it’s not difficult to imagine why Estonians and Russians here aren’t seeking a turn away from the path of development that has boosted living standards since it joined the European Union in 2004.
There is no problem here
Alexander Karavaev, a native of Narva and President of the Estonian Boxing Federation, exercises here alongside the bare-chested fishermen making the most of the late spring sunshine. Karavaev was born in the Soviet Union, and his father helped rebuild Narva following its destruction in the second world war. As a man who has travelled extensively in his capacity as an ambassador for Estonia, he explains that he has no desire to choose between being labelled Russian or Estonian. “There is no problem here. Whether you’re American, Russian, Estonian or Dutch, there are no problems here.” “Not the impending geo-political crisis that much of the media would have you believe” When Eoin McNamara talks of his predictions for the future, he not only speaks as an academic, but also a resident of Estonia. His wife is from here, and he has lived and worked here for the last five years. “As somebody who has lived here, it makes me doubt the British, American and European press,” he says. “The greatest tragedy about Narva is that nothing happens there. It is not the impending geo-political crisis that much of the media would have you believe. There is no risk of a revolt there, as Estonians are looking to the West not the East.”
NATO and its relations within the Nordic-Baltic region
Blue = NATO Member. Green = NATO ally. Red = Russia. Purple = Belarus
Choosing the correct lessons from history
He is also critical of the way many Baltic politicians stoke tensions by talking aggressively. “Unlike their Swedish and Finnish neighbours, Baltic politicians fail to follow Theodore Roosevelt’s ‘big stick ideology,” McNamara says. US President Roosevelt once described his style of foreign policy as "speaking softly and carrying a big stick." McNamara is taking aim at a very Baltic attitude toward diplomacy. He describes it as one of aggressive rhetoric, often with limited thoughtfulness. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania now carry a large stick; the military might of the United States and its other 25 NATO allies. However, whilst their politicians still appear to be charting a course of developing their diplomatic skills, their citizens appear to have left the past where it is. As the geopolitical games continue between NATO, Europe and Russia, those living closest to the borders inbetween appear content with their focus on a continuity of progression and living in harmony with those around them, regardless of the flags that fly above them.
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